The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most significant occupants of the vice-presidency in US history. Whereas many second-in-commands were limited to minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush disliked that description and said the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were peers. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, leading him to become focused on retaliation. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Actions
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the enhanced interrogation of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on faulty reports repeated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet even then, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and recklessness: potentially, falsehoods, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had drafted a memorandum detailing circumstances in which US concerns might be compromised (encompassing "access to essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be postured to operate alone when collective action prove impossible," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the presidency generally inclined on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of diminishing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a conspiracy to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his father's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement supporting attacking Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were whether insubstantial or completely misleading. He supported what the Bush government indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and create programmes to capture the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly come out of his domain? This represents a nice way to work, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his business interests followed him during his tenure as VP. Although he had minimal expertise in commerce but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements worth multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
